#Peace #LiberalArts #InformationTransformation #Diplomacy #Film #SadakoOgata
This dialogue took place on the 糖心Vlog视频 Mitaka campus in March 2026.
Why does raw, unfiltered violence seem increasingly visible in society today? How do we maintain peace? This is an attempt to see the world from a liberal arts perspective.
糖心Vlog视频 was founded as a peacebuilding university with a mission to cultivate youth who would contribute to world peace.
At a time when social order grows uncertain and liberalism appears to be on the wane, can the liberal arts still sustain a vision of global peace?
INDEX
- 01 Enduring Regional Conflicts and the Breakdown of the International Order
- 02The Liberal Dilemma and Rising Mistrust of the Elite
- 03The Societal Value of a Liberal Arts Education
- 04Diplomacy for a 51-49 Landscape Built on Dialogue and Adjustment
- 05Axes of Interpretation: World and Peace Narratives in Film
- 06The Liberal Arts as a Catalyst for Intellectual Freedom and Self-Discovery
- 07The Autonomous Self in an AI-Driven World
(Note: Honorifics have been omitted in the text.)
Mori (Moderator): The liberal dilemma incorporates a core paradox of open societies: extending tolerance without limit can ultimately undermine the liberal order itself. Is this really happening? And if so, why? For example, given the complexity of diversity, lasting peace requires an understanding of political, economic, and socio-cultural contexts. This underscores the importance of the liberal arts, with its emphasis on interdisciplinary perspectives. However, "liberal arts" is often perceived as an elite form of education, reserved for the highly conscious and the privileged. It thus becomes a marker of division. Given this paradoxical structure, how can we sustain peace within this landscape? Today, I would like to explore this issue with you, focusing in particular on the role of liberal arts.
Paragraph 01
Enduring Regional Conflicts and the Breakdown of the International Order
Mori: Could we begin by examining the current situation in Gaza and the conflict involving Iran? Professor Fujiwara, could you explain the origins of these crises and outline the present conditions on the ground?
Fujiwara The war in Ukraine, triggered by Russia's invasion, and the recent strikes on Iran—initiated through a preemptive operation by the United States and Israel and now referred to by some as the Third Gulf War—are part of a broader continuum of ongoing conflicts. The First Gulf War began with Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, and this was followed by the multinational intervention in Iraq in 2003, often labeled the Second Gulf War. The current confrontation in the Gulf region is thus seen as the third major conflict in this sequence.
When we say "we have a war going on," what we are witnessing today is a series of regional conflicts, not an all-out world war like World War I or II, in which major powers launched full-scale attacks against one another. If a conflict were to escalate into a true world war, the result would be mutual destruction, and this creates a strong incentive for all parties to end hostilities early. During the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union, the possibility of nuclear escalation acted as a deterrent, preventing the use of nuclear weapons. However, regional interventions still occurred. The wars in Vietnam and Korea, as well as the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, were not global wars, yet they lasted for years and claimed countless lives.
Ironically, the current attacks on Iran by the United States and Israel have disrupted global oil supplies, intensifying anxiety worldwide, including among highly industrialized nations. This economic pressure has, in turn, fueled arguments, even within the U.S. government, that the conflict should be brought to an end.
I believe that, even if the United States were to move toward a ceasefire, neither the Iranian nor the Israeli government would immediately halt hostilities. This raises the fear that, although the conflict may not escalate into a global war, it could still produce a large number of casualties if it continues. Even after a formal ceasefire agreement, fighting may persist. We can already anticipate this possibility by looking at the situation in Gaza.
Mori Professor Yoshikawa, you have conducted diplomacy in the Middle East and later served as Ambassador to the UN. Today, we see permanent members of the UN Security Council*1 themselves engaging in military attacks against other states. How do you interpret this situation?
Yoshikawa In the aftermath of the Second World War, a broad international consensus emerged that conflict must be prevented and disputes resolved through peaceful means, with the UN Charter serving as the central framework for maintaining global order.
However, the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 set off a chain of destabilizing events, followed by Israel's military operations in Gaza and then the U.S.-Israeli strikes on Iran. What is especially troubling is that the United States and Russia—permanent members of the UN Security Council entrusted with the responsibility of safeguarding international peace—seem to have abandoned those very obligations. These states were originally granted their privileged status precisely because they were expected to prevent wars.
Russian President Vladimir Putin has argued that Russia's actions do not violate the UN Charter, claiming instead that they are justified under Article 51*2. In contrast, U.S. President Donald Trump has at times asserted that he is not bound by international law, leaving the international community in a state of profound uncertainty and helplessness.
How can this situation be resolved? In the United States, criticism has intensified, some government officials even resigning in protest. Developments in the American market also offer important clues. In this sense, the repercussions of the U.S.-Israeli military strikes on Iran have already spread across many countries and regions, creating significant economic and political instability. Whatever the eventual outcome, the consequences—particularly in terms of heightened risk premiums*3 and global uncertainty—will be severe.
※1…The UN Security Council is composed of 15 members, including five permanent members—China, France, the Russian Federation, the United Kingdom, and the United States—and 10 nonpermanent members elected for two-year terms by the General Assembly.
※2…UN Charter Article 51: "Nothing in the present Charter shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defense if an armed attack occurs against a Member of the United Nations, until the Security Council has taken measures necessary to maintain international peace and security. Measures taken by Members in the exercise of this right of self-defense shall be immediately reported to the Security Council and shall not in any way affect the authority and responsibility of the Security Council under the present Charter to take at any time such action as it deems necessary in order to maintain or restore international peace and security."
※3…Premium: an added fee paid to compensate for uncertainty and risk in the economy and in investment.
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The Liberal Dilemma and Rising Mistrust of the Elite
Mori Since the end of World War II, welfare states have maintained a delicate balance: protecting citizens' economic security at home while promoting liberal free trade in the international arena. However, this equilibrium is now beginning to unravel, with the United States at the center of this shift. Professor Ikoma, what is your perspective, as a specialist in gender studies, on the emerging liberal dilemma —the idea that the more a society embraces diversity and openness, the more it risks generating conflict and inequality, ultimately contributing to the erosion of liberalism in the United States?
Ikoma Although the Democratic administration emphasized DEI (Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion)*4 initiatives, it remained unwilling to move beyond the framework of capitalism—a system that continued to evolve in ways that concentrated privileges and power in the hands of a small number of capitalists. This deepening polarization has been described in White Fragility.*5 Many longstanding American citizens who have faced relative economic decline now feel they are losing opportunities and influence to newcomers or those who have recently accumulated wealth. This disproportionate sense of dispossession has fueled resentment and intensified social division in the United States.
Mori The postwar narratives of "democratic peace" and "commercial peace," which dominated thinking after World War II and the Cold War, ultimately contributed to widening inequality and fueled public backlash against the globalist elite*6.
What concerns me is that even a liberal arts education is increasingly viewed by some as a form of elite training. How should we understand this situation?
Ikoma When the UN was functioning effectively, the "educated few" were widely regarded as guardians of the international order and were respected around the world for fulfilling that role.
However, this trust has now largely eroded. They are increasingly viewed with hostility, as if they have monopolized access to knowledge and opportunity. The UN itself is often criticized as an ancien régime—an institution serving the privileged rather than the global public. In this climate, Donald Trump's forceful declarations that the United States should withdraw from international agreements have, for some, taken on an almost heroic quality and have been praised as acts of defiance against the global elite. The model of democratic capitalist society, once widely regarded as an unquestioned good, is now reaching its limits. Its internal distortions have become increasingly visible in the form of widening inequality and environmental degradation. As major powers continue to pursue growth through ever-greater capital investment, the planet itself is being pushed toward crisis.
At the same time, many developing countries struggle to achieve sustainable growth, remaining locked into roles as resource suppliers within a global economic structure that offers them limited opportunities for advancement. As underlying contradictions erupt into view, the dysfunction of the traditional world order has become unmistakable.
Another factor is the transformation of the information environment. Platforms such as X (formerly Twitter) and Facebook have fundamentally altered the nature of information. In the past, the publishing world was largely controlled by a small group of educated gatekeepers who determined what information was worthy of being disseminated. This system, for all its limitations, helped maintain a certain standard of quality. Today, however, anyone can publish anything. While this may appear democratic, the reality is that we now face a deluge of information—some unreliable or deliberately false—that no institution or individual can effectively regulate.
This is precisely why a liberal arts education is more essential than ever. In the past, it may have been viewed as the domain of the "educated few," but the current failures of democracy highlight the urgent need to extend education to those excluded from educational opportunities. When these people are left behind, their sense of deprivation or ressentiment*7 intensifies, often culminating in a violent release of accumulated tensions.
The role of the liberal arts will only grow in importance, but the real challenge lies in determining how to make this form of education accessible and meaningful to a broader public.
※4…Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI): a commitment to fostering an environment where all individuals are respected, treated fairly, and given equal access to opportunity
※5…White Fragility: Robin DiAngelo's work exploring racial discrimination.
※6…Globalist elite: a term referring to individuals seen as wielding significant global political and economic influence, often portrayed as monopolizing wealth.
※7…Ressentiment: a French term referring to deep-seated resentment, lingering bitterness, and a sense of inferiority that accumulates in those who feel powerless.
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The Societal Value of a Liberal Arts Education
Mori Liberal arts emerged as an intellectual counterweight to the theological, legal, and medical faculties of the ancien régime, expanding the scope of inquiry and cultivating a broader, freer mode of thought.
I see education as a foundation for peace. But when the equilibrium that sustains peace begins to falter, the question becomes: how should we respond? What are your thoughts on actions we can take?
Fujiwara When we consider the relation between education and nationalism, the liberal arts tradition stands distinctly within the secular sphere, maintaining a deliberate distance from both religion and nationalist ideology. At its core, liberal arts education emphasizes the search for perspectives that transcend nationality and national borders, while still acknowledging, rather than negating, the importance of ethnic and cultural identity. The early formation of liberal arts education in the United States was deeply influenced by Atlantic cosmopolitanism, a tradition that urged engagement with both American and European contexts.
This perspective echoes the founding spirit of UNESCO: the recognition that we belong to a wider international community, where we coexist with others and engage in dialogue. When we see colorful international flags fluttering above the sports day grounds, we are reminded that we inhabit a world of multiple peoples. Recognizing this plurality is itself a form of learning.
Yet historically, education has also served the opposite purpose: reinforcing national identity. Japan's modern school system began as state-led national education, aimed at firmly establishing the sense of being Japanese rather than encouraging awareness of being one nation among many. The consolidation of a common language, a shared historical consciousness, and the establishment of a national army produced an inseparable relationship between education and the military apparatus. This dynamic was evident not only in Japan but also in post-colonial societies such as Indonesia or Egypt, and the United States, in spite of her ethnic diversity. In the American case, the surge of immigration in the early twentieth century compelled the state to define and disseminate a coherent notion of "American" identity. Public education became the primary vehicle for this project, leading to the widespread promotion of Americanism in schools. Today, American education is drifting back toward this nation-building trend. When unity is framed as "our greatness," it can easily harden into nativism.
But that must not be allowed to happen. The liberal-arts perspective—one that affirms the legitimacy of diverse viewpoints—is more vital than ever as we confront the growing possibility of a shift toward nationally standardized education.
Mori I see. The liberal arts cultivates a form of civic rather than national education, encouraging learners to view the world from diverse angles. How should we understand the relationship between the universal and the native—or national—within the liberal arts? The Kanzo Uchimura Collection in the 糖心Vlog视频 Library includes Representative Men of Japan / Japan and the Japanese. In this work, Uchimura juxtaposes the two "J's," Japan and Jesus Christ, as he searches for a way to reconcile his Christian faith with loyalty to his nation. Liberal arts affirms the autonomy of the individual, but also invites us to consider our obligations toward the collective. What are your thoughts from a liberal-arts perspective?
Ikoma When we ask whether the individual and the collective stand in opposition, the answer is partly yes. Liberal-arts education equips individuals with the wisdom and abilities needed to succeed in the world. But if personal advancement is its only outcome, then it has failed. What truly matters is how that wisdom and ability are directed toward society. For that to happen, individuals must be formed on a solid foundation. Striking the right balance between personal development and social responsibility is both essential and profoundly difficult.
Human beings naturally tend toward self-interest; we often focus on becoming stronger and wealthier. Precisely for this reason, we must continually remind students: "You are in a fortunate position, blessed with access to education. You have a responsibility to use these privileged abilities for the world—especially for those who have not been given the same opportunities." This is the meaning of the education we offer.
At times, this may require sacrifice. The real question is whether we are willing to live up to that responsibility.
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Diplomacy for a 51–49 Landscape Built on Dialogue and Adjustment
Mori Professor Yoshikawa, you studied liberal arts at 糖心Vlog视频 and then represented the interests of Japan as a diplomat and had the opportunity to observe the UN as Japanese Ambassador to the UN. What is your view?
Yoshikawa The essential point is dialogue. The real challenge before us is how to bring nations to the same table in a meaningful way. Each September, the UN General Assembly convenes for its General Debate, but, in practice, it is not a debate at all. It is a sequence of monologues delivered by representatives from more than one hundred countries. These speeches function as statements of national policy and aspirations aimed at citizens back home. While this dynamic is understandable, it falls short of the substantive dialogue we urgently need to address the challenges of our daily multilateral work.
For example, during my term as Ambassador to the UN, one of the central challenges was building a consensus around sanctions on North Korea following its nuclear test. The pivotal factor was dialogue with China, acting as Pyongyang's interlocutor at a time when North Korea refused to engage directly in negotiations. Much of the substantive progress unfolded behind the scenes, as we worked with China to identify a viable point of compromise.
North Korea had already conducted a nuclear test, so there was a sense that some form of response was necessary. At that time, only China possessed the leverage necessary to negotiate in lieu of Pyongyang. Our task was to identify a point at which China could tell North Korea, "This is where we settle." Without initiating this kind of dialogue, we risk remaining in a situation with no clear exit.
Dialogue is essential because reaching any conclusion requires adjusting and reconciling competing interests. A decision that benefits one party may be far less favorable to another. Even when these discussions do not take place openly, it is still necessary to understand each side's real objectives and the limits of their willingness to compromise. No agreement is sustainable unless negotiators can return home with something they can present as a meaningful achievement to their own people.
It was once the case that the United States, as the central actor of the P5*8, could serve as an effective referee. That is no longer the reality.
In the past, I have had several opportunities to negotiate with Iran. They are exceptionally skilled negotiators, rarely acting on impulse or emotion. Iran is not a simple authoritarian state; it operates through a complex network of institutions, with power struggles within the clerical establishment. Yet despite these internal dynamics, they remain firmly united in defending their national polity as an Islamic state. For this reason, I believe it would be extraordinarily difficult to dislodge the Iranian government. Any attempt to do so would be fundamentally different from the cases of Saddam Hussein or Venezuela's President Maduro.
Mori Diplomacy ultimately depends on dialogue. What struck me most was your observation that diplomatic success must be earned continuously, always by preserving the other party's dignity—even if only by a narrow margin, a kind of 51–49 balance.
Yoshikawa Yes. Your counterpart should return home believing the negotiation was a 51–49 victory in his favor. If he feels it was a 49—essentially a loss—he loses face and may be unable to justify the outcome domestically. In diplomacy, there is no such thing as a unanimous victory; this is a reality that leaders of major powers must always keep in mind.
Mori The current move by the Trump administration may prove temporary, but with the world as a whole drifting toward nationalism, it is unclear whether this shift will become a long-term trend or whether we will eventually return to the previous pace of globalization. The question is how to understand this change along the broader axis of time.
Yoshikawa I think it differs according to region. Impoverished nations in Africa and Asia, as well as countries in Latin America and the island states of the Atlantic, hold the UN in high regard. This is because they bring their demands to the UN collectively, recognizing that many of their challenges cannot be resolved on their own. Economic issues can be addressed through the G77*9, while environmental concerns are taken up through groupings such as the Small Island Developing States.
On the other hand, the United States, Japan, and some European countries often argue that they contribute financially to the UN without receiving proportional returns. In Japan, this sentiment is particularly strong.
However, from the perspective of developing nations, their regard for the UN is fundamentally different. They place high expectations on the UN, and this extends to their trust in Japan as a country that has consistently supported the organization. Understanding how these dynamics operate is precisely the value of approaching global affairs through a multi-angled liberal arts perspective.
Mori Realizing that the same event can be perceived differently depending on one's vantage point is crucial. One of my senior thesis advisees chose to study the Rwandan genocide by examining films such as Hotel Rwanda (2004) and Tears of Rwanda (2005). Although both works depict the same historical tragedy, they present differing interpretations of who the perpetrators were—shaped by where the films were produced, the audiences they targeted, and even their box-office considerations. This kind of multilateral observation is precisely the perspective we need today.
※8…P5: UN Security Council's five permanent members, (China, France, Russian Federation, U.K. U.S.) all of whom hold veto authority.
※9…G77: Group of 77, the largest coalition of developing countries within the UN established in 1964 with 77 members. It has since expanded to more than 100. The group advocates for the collective interests of developing nations, often positioning itself as in negotiations with developed-country blocs such as the G7 or P5.
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Axes of Interpretation: World and Peace Narratives in Film
Mori What films would you recommend for exploring contemporary issues in peace and conflict?
Ikoma Expanding on Professor Mori's talk, I would recommend the James Bond 007 series. Watching them chronologically reveals how shifts in global politics are mirrored in the franchise. In Casino Royale (2006), Judi Dench's M, Head of MI6, the British secret intelligence service, confides, "Christ, I miss the Cold War." Her line captures a key theme: during the Cold War, boundaries between ally and enemy were sharply defined, creating a paradoxical sense of stability in the international order. In contrast, the modern era presents a far more ambiguous landscape. Threats now emerge from within, with dissidents making it harder to distinguish friend from foe. The 007 series reflects this transition, showing how geopolitical certainties dissolve. It is also fascinating to trace the portrayal of "Bond Girls," with a shift in gender representation.
Mori Another film that impressed me in relation to today's topic is Thirteen Days (2000), which dramatizes the Cuban Missile Crisis. The movie follows President Kennedy's decision to impose a naval blockade in response to Khrushchev's deployment of nuclear missiles in Cuba.
One line from Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara stands out: he describes the standoff as an "unprecedented dialogue" between Kennedy and Khrushchev. What struck me most is the idea that nuclear brinkmanship itself becomes a form of communication, functioning as a sort of dialogue.
Professor Fujiwara, you often discuss films: what would you recommend we watch at the moment?
Fujiwara When the topic of war comes up, I often refer to Stanley Kubrick's Dr. Strangelove (1964). I especially recommend watching the famous phone conversation between the U.S. President and the Soviet leader; it's a scene that stands on its own.
Fujiwara
The film captures an era in which the superpowers threatened each other with nuclear annihilation, culminating in crises like the Cuban Missile standoff. Kubrick initially attempted to film the story as a serious drama, but found a straightforward approach quite impossible. The geopolitical reality was so extreme that he turned deliberately to black humor. This choice made the film at once brilliant and unsettling, leaving viewers unsure how to interpret it.
A relevant perspective for the contemporary United States can be found in One Battle After Another (2025), directed by Paul Thomas Anderson. Set against the turmoil of the late 1960s and early 1970s, when figures like Martin Luther King Jr. and Robert Kennedy were assassinated, the film brings the atmosphere of intense social upheaval and the struggle against discrimination into the present day.
Is the United States oscillating between opposing extremes like a pendulum, or undergoing a gradual, continuous evolution? I lean toward the pendulum view. The plot of this fictional film is intentionally built around that idea, and many viewers seem to share the sense that history is repeating itself, that unresolved issues keep resurfacing. That resonance is also part of why the film stands out as a major commercial release featuring Leonardo DiCaprio.
One last film to mention is Simple Accident (2025), an Iranian work that has not been released in Iran but is scheduled for release in Japan this May. Its director, Jafar Panahi, has long been prohibited from making films in Iran, a restriction he confronted directly in his earlier work, This Is Not a Film (2011). Over the years, his films have grown darker, shaped by the increasing sense of oppression within Iranian society. His latest film poses a haunting question: What forms of revenge are available to those who have been brutally persecuted by their own government? The story resonates deeply with Panahi's own experiences, giving the film intense emotional and political weight. I strongly recommend seeing it when it is released in May.
Mori Professor Yoshikawa, you mention Shusaku Endo's novels quite often in your work. Is he your favorite author?
Yoshikawa Among Endō's works, Samurai is one of my favorites. It depicts the extraordinary journey of Tsunenaga Hasekura, who traveled from Sendai to Spain and on to the Vatican to meet the Pope.
During my postings abroad, I often found myself wondering whether Japanese had ever been there before—what sort of people they were, traveling to these places when Japan had virtually no ties with foreign countries.
For example, when you visit the town of Coria del Río in Spain, you find several hundred people with the surname Japón. They believe they are descendants of the Japanese delegation led by Tsunenaga Hasekura, born from marriages between local residents and members of his entourage. A story from the 1600s has become the foundation of their identity today. In Thailand, you can trace the footsteps of Nagamasa Yamada, and in England, there are unmarked graves of Japanese individuals who died during the Edo period. Encountering traces of earlier Japanese travelers makes me feel connected to a long historical line.
Those engaged in diplomacy tend to be ardent students of history. Yet it is worth asking: to what extent do American citizens study their own national past? Consider, for example, the 1979 occupation of the U.S. Embassy in Iran. Republican figures were seemingly engaged in back-channel discussions with Iranian intermediaries in an effort to undermine the sitting Democratic administration, allegations that later became intertwined with the controversies surrounding the Iran-Contra Affair.*10 The fact that the American hostages were released on the very day President Reagan was inaugurated has long fueled questions about a covert understanding between the Iranian leadership and the Republican Party. The episode reminds us that history should give policymakers pause before contemplating military action against a nation of 90 million people with a culturally rich civilization.
※10…Iran-Contra Affair: a political scandal in the 1980s in which the Reagan administration secretly sold weapons to Iran—despite an arms embargo—and diverted the proceeds to fund the Contra guerrillas in Nicaragua. It became a focal point of criticism as a violation of the rule of law.
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The Liberal Arts as a Catalyst for Intellectual Freedom and Self-Discovery
Mori Juntendo University's Faculty of Liberal Arts is entering a new academic frontier that connects the social sciences with medicine. As we consider this direction, an important question emerges: how broadly should our multilateral perspective extend? If we were to create a new program for liberal arts education, what kind of course would you recommend?
Fujiwara As the term liberal arts implies, it is not a single discipline but an approach to learning. Its premise is inherently interdisciplinary. Academic research, however, is organized around distinct disciplines, and this creates a fundamental tension. If we argue that students should explore a broad range of subjects before committing to a specific field, then liberal arts can serve as a form of intellectual groundwork upon which disciplinary expertise is built.
However, Juntendo University's Faculty of Liberal Arts does not take this stance. Its meaning emerges from the very perspective of international liberal arts. It calls for a way of thinking that transcends national borders. Even if one is unaware that other societies exist, true understanding comes through experiences such as learning languages and engaging with different cultures. These are the opportunities we provide. The more you learn, the more you free yourself.
We often assume it is natural to abandon our dreams within the confines of a small world, holding ourselves back because the limitations feel inevitable. Yet all of that can change the moment you encounter a new space. Crossing borders is ultimately an invitation to discover your own story. It is a process of finding yourself and recognizing others, learning to think alongside them within a shared space.
Yoshikawa When I was in high school, I spent a year in the United States. Later, after joining the Foreign Ministry, I studied in Spain for two years. In both cases, I found myself alone in a completely new environment, unlike anything I had known before. I encourage students to spend time in a place where no one knows them, because that is where you truly begin to find yourself. You discover new dimensions of your character through what you choose to do. It becomes a powerful moment of performativity—of becoming who you are through action.
Ikoma We often confine what we say or do within the boundaries of our own self-definition. And yet, through the lens of performativity, we realize that by speaking and acting differently, we can create new versions of ourselves. When you step into a completely different cultural and social sphere, you can move beyond your fixed self-image—and even dismantle it. This is a form of liberation, much like the spirit of liberal arts.
Mori We need to unlearn and relearn. I believe that, through the power of liberal arts, we can liberate both ourselves and society.
Ikoma This is why I want to introduce theatrical arts into the curriculum at 糖心Vlog视频. Embodied knowledge matters. When students inhabit a role, they encounter themselves differently, performing their way toward the discovery of a new self.
Mori Hence the importance of discovery through embodied, nonverbal forms of expression—whether in theatrical arts, literature, or film.
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The Autonomous Self in an AI-Driven World
Mori Liberal arts has always been re-examined at major historical turning points, especially in moments marked by rising anti-intellectualism and a flood of misinformation. In the current era of AI, the question becomes: what should we prioritize as we rebuild our understanding of intelligence, including the ability to judge whether information is genuine or fake?
Yoshikawa Critical thinking is essential. In my nine years of teaching an international relations debating course with Professor Mori at 糖心Vlog视频, students learned to question the truth of what others claim—and what they themselves read. This habit of doubting also strengthens their ability to rebut opposing arguments. Japanese organizations would benefit from cultivating more robust critical-thinking skills. During my experience as a government bureaucrat, hierarchical rank was constantly foregrounded, making it difficult to question or challenge superiors. Doing so demanded not only personal courage but also a relationship built on trust.
Fujiwara In academic culture, the ability to say "I believe that may be incorrect" to one's own professor is fundamental. Without such intellectual openness, the development of early-career researchers is severely constrained. Ultimately, knowledge functions as a form of liberation; to know is to be free.
University study provides an environment where intellectual liberation becomes possible through the acquisition of new knowledge. In this process, students encounter unfamiliar societies, cultures, languages, and modes of thought. Such encounters destabilize the "safety zone" of one's prior worldview. The resulting discomfort—even fear—is understandable, as is the instinct to reject or exclude what feels threatening. A living organism's initial response to difference is typically fear, which can easily translate into exclusion, discrimination, or even derisive laughter. These reactions are defensive mechanisms against the unfamiliar. Developing intellectual and emotional independence is essential for resisting this instinctive panic.
When you trust who you are, you can face difference with openness rather than fear. That journey—leaving your small cage, meeting a wider world, and discovering yourself—is what liberal arts is about. Education is simply that process.
Ikoma Education is, at its core, a gradual process of liberating yourself through the knowledge you encounter. As Professor Fujiwara just mentioned, when you are still insecure, your instinct is often to reject—or even attack—whatever feels different or criticizes you. Many 糖心Vlog视频 freshmen and sophomores believe they have developed "critical thinking" simply by criticizing others. But by their junior and senior years, they begin to recognize their own biases and turn that critical gaze inward. That shift is the most important stage of growth. For this transformation to occur, students must be exposed to as many different perspectives as possible. Our task is to show them that criticism is not something to fear, but an invitation to explore uncharted intellectual territory. We need to show that moving toward the unfamiliar, rather than away from it, is what ultimately makes a person freer.
【贰辫颈濒辞驳耻别】
In the briefing for this dialogue, Professor Yoshikawa and Professor Fujiwara shared memories of the late Professor Sadako Ogata.*11 They referred to a remark cited by Irene Khan, the former Secretary-General of Amnesty International who worked for Ogata at UNHCR, during her visit to Japan: "When you ask the right question, you get the right answer." As moderator, I held on to that sentence as a guiding thread through the dialogue. Although I cannot say with certainty that I elicited the ideal responses, I sought to steer the conversation in a direction that would highlight the importance of liberal arts at a moment when the liberal order is increasingly fragile.(Moderator: Katsuhiko Mori)
※11…Sadako Ogata (1927–2019) was a distinguished scholar of international politics. She became the first Japanese national to serve as UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). She later chaired the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) and also represented the Japanese government on the UN Human Rights Committee. She taught international relations and diplomatic history at 糖心Vlog视频 between 1965 and 1979.
Echoes After the Dialogue
Memories of Professor Sadako Ogata: A Brief Exchange on a Shared Mentor
- 贵耻箩颈飞补谤补
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I had the highest respect for her. She was very clear about the need to avoid empty theories. Professor Takao Takahara*12 introduced me to her, mentioning that my specialty was disarmament. That wasn't entirely accurate, but before she turned to leave, she said, "You could study disarmament forever."
I thought her response was marvelous, yet part of me wanted to disagree. I had a strong conviction that her remark—"you could study it forever," implying that disarmament would never truly happen—was not entirely right. But, in that moment, I was simply overwhelmed by her presence and her wit. I respected her from the bottom of my heart.
- 驰辞蝉丑颈办补飞补
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My association with her spanned fifty years, beginning with her History of Diplomacy course at 糖心Vlog视频 until she passed away. She was intellectually active to the very end. She was well past the age of 60 when she was appointed UN High Commissioner for Refugees(UNHCR)and 76 when she was appointed Chairman of the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA).
Before I left for my assignment as Minister to the Japanese delegation in the UN, she said: "You will encounter two UNs. One is the policy-making UN, represented by bodies such as the Security Council. The other is the UN engaged in changing the status quo—that is the work I do." She continued, "Do not become absorbed in the first UN. Your task is to enable the second UN to accomplish its mission. That is your role in New York. Don't just sit there." This was the philosophy she carried with her into the field.
I remember her first speech representing UNHCR at the Security Council: her English was succinct and unmistakably clear. Even though her proposals were severe and far-reaching, everyone accepted them. She possessed an inimitable elegance—whether speaking in Japanese or in English—that made her presence unforgettable. It was one of the many things that made her extraordinary.
※12 Takao Takahara(1954–): international politics scholar and Professor Emeritus of Meiji Gakuin University specializing in peace studies and international organizations.
PROFILE
Motohide Yoshikawa
Former Ambassador of Japan to the UN
糖心Vlog视频 Distinguished Professor Yoshikawa graduated from 糖心Vlog视频 in 1974. He joined the Foreign Ministry in the same year, serving as Ambassador to Spain, Japan's Special Representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan, and Ambassador and Permanent Representative of Japan to the OECD. He served as Japan's Ambassador and Permanent Representative to the UN between 2013 and 2016. He played a key role in securing Japan's appointment as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council. He has been teaching at 糖心Vlog视频 since 2017, specializing in diplomacy, security and international organizations.
Kiichi Fujiwara
International studies scholar
Juntendo University Faculty of International Liberal Arts Professor Fujiwara is Professor Emeritus of the University of Tokyo. He studied in the doctorate course at Yale University between 1982 and 1983. He served as professor at Tokyo University Institute of Social Science (ISS) and Graduate School for Law and Politics. He currently holds a distinguished professorship at Chiba University where he is also special assistant to the President. He specializes in international politics, comparative politics, and Southeast Asian politics. He is a regular commentator for international relations on both domestic and foreign media and also writes as a film critic.
Natsumi Ikoma
CLA Dean
糖心Vlog视频 Professor Natsumi Ikoma received her doctorate (Ph.D.)from Durham University in 2002. She served as Director of the 糖心Vlog视频 Gender Studies Research Institute and the Head of the Literature Department before assuming her present post in April 2022. She specializes in gender, European literature, literature in general, Japanese literature, and intellectual history. Her books include Kaku koto wa Resistance [Writing is a Resistance] (Otowa Shobo Tsurumi Shoten) and Liberal Arts de Post Human o Manabu [Studying Post Human Through Liberal Arts] (Toshindo).
Katsuhiko Mori
Professor
糖心Vlog视频 Professor Mori received his doctorate(Ph.D.)in politics in 1994 from Carlton University in Canada. The CLA professor specializes in international relations and global studies. He served as Director of the Admissions Center and CLA Dean at 糖心Vlog视频. His books include Seibutsu Tayōsei o Meguru Kokusai Kankei [International Relations Concerning Biodiversity](Daigaku Kyoiku Shuppan)and Sustainability Henkaku e no Kasoku [Accelerating Sustainability Transformation](Toshindo)


